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As public fears of AI grow, Trump digs in on voluntary safeguards

Daniel Nenni

Founder
Staff member
As public fears of AI grow, Trump digs in on voluntary safeguards.jpg


President Donald Trump’s preference for voluntary AI safeguards puts a central question in focus: can companies developing powerful technologies also be trusted to police their risks?

Reuters reports that his administration has secured a safety agreement with six technology companies, including OpenAI, Google and Nvidia. It calls for internal controls and independent audits but specifies no penalties for noncompliance. Meanwhile, a Reuters/Ipsos poll found that three quarters of Americans worry AI companies have not done enough to prevent serious societal harm.

The political appeal of voluntary commitments is clear. They allow governments to demonstrate concern while giving businesses flexibility. In a rapidly changing industry, rigid requirements can become outdated, and smaller developers may struggle with expensive compliance obligations. Cooperation between government and industry can also help officials understand technical risks.

Yet flexibility becomes a weakness when promises cannot be independently checked or enforced. Companies face pressure to launch products, attract investment and outperform rivals. Those incentives may conflict with delaying deployment when safety remains uncertain. An audit provides limited reassurance if its findings stay private or its recommendations can be ignored.

The debate should therefore move beyond whether regulation helps or hurts innovation. The more useful questions concern what safeguards accomplish: who evaluates dangerous capabilities, who receives incident reports, and who has authority to demand corrective action?

A credible framework could combine adaptable technical standards with public reporting, independent scrutiny and clear accountability. Requirements should reflect the scale of potential harm, avoiding unnecessary burdens on low risk applications while demanding stronger protections for more powerful systems.

Trump’s approach may encourage cooperation, but cooperation alone cannot establish public trust. That requires evidence that safeguards work and consequences when they fail. As AI becomes more influential, the durability of voluntary promises will depend on whether they deliver protection people can actually see.

 
I see this as two sides. AI and protection against AI. If you want safeguards you have to have safeguards against the world's AI, not just your own. Voluntary AI safeguards may pacify the majority of the population because they do not know better but understand this: AI is dangerous and we need to stay in the lead to protect ourselves. Politicians need to understand this. AI is a military grade weapon. AI is a digital weapon of mass destruction. Whoever wins the AI race will be safe. Whoever lets politicians slow down AI will lose.
 
View attachment 5272

President Donald Trump’s preference for voluntary AI safeguards puts a central question in focus: can companies developing powerful technologies also be trusted to police their risks?

Reuters reports that his administration has secured a safety agreement with six technology companies, including OpenAI, Google and Nvidia. It calls for internal controls and independent audits but specifies no penalties for noncompliance. Meanwhile, a Reuters/Ipsos poll found that three quarters of Americans worry AI companies have not done enough to prevent serious societal harm.

The political appeal of voluntary commitments is clear. They allow governments to demonstrate concern while giving businesses flexibility. In a rapidly changing industry, rigid requirements can become outdated, and smaller developers may struggle with expensive compliance obligations. Cooperation between government and industry can also help officials understand technical risks.

Yet flexibility becomes a weakness when promises cannot be independently checked or enforced. Companies face pressure to launch products, attract investment and outperform rivals. Those incentives may conflict with delaying deployment when safety remains uncertain. An audit provides limited reassurance if its findings stay private or its recommendations can be ignored.

The debate should therefore move beyond whether regulation helps or hurts innovation. The more useful questions concern what safeguards accomplish: who evaluates dangerous capabilities, who receives incident reports, and who has authority to demand corrective action?

A credible framework could combine adaptable technical standards with public reporting, independent scrutiny and clear accountability. Requirements should reflect the scale of potential harm, avoiding unnecessary burdens on low risk applications while demanding stronger protections for more powerful systems.

Trump’s approach may encourage cooperation, but cooperation alone cannot establish public trust. That requires evidence that safeguards work and consequences when they fail. As AI becomes more influential, the durability of voluntary promises will depend on whether they deliver protection people can actually see.


The first problem is that, among all these AI industry leaders, few have established a great reputation (if they haven't already gotten a bad one) and a credibility that is widely recognized.

With limited trust, no enforcement, voluntary participation, and only a moral obligation, it won't go very far.
 
View attachment 5272

President Donald Trump’s preference for voluntary AI safeguards puts a central question in focus: can companies developing powerful technologies also be trusted to police their risks?

Reuters reports that his administration has secured a safety agreement with six technology companies, including OpenAI, Google and Nvidia. It calls for internal controls and independent audits but specifies no penalties for noncompliance. Meanwhile, a Reuters/Ipsos poll found that three quarters of Americans worry AI companies have not done enough to prevent serious societal harm.

The political appeal of voluntary commitments is clear. They allow governments to demonstrate concern while giving businesses flexibility. In a rapidly changing industry, rigid requirements can become outdated, and smaller developers may struggle with expensive compliance obligations. Cooperation between government and industry can also help officials understand technical risks.

Yet flexibility becomes a weakness when promises cannot be independently checked or enforced. Companies face pressure to launch products, attract investment and outperform rivals. Those incentives may conflict with delaying deployment when safety remains uncertain. An audit provides limited reassurance if its findings stay private or its recommendations can be ignored.

The debate should therefore move beyond whether regulation helps or hurts innovation. The more useful questions concern what safeguards accomplish: who evaluates dangerous capabilities, who receives incident reports, and who has authority to demand corrective action?

A credible framework could combine adaptable technical standards with public reporting, independent scrutiny and clear accountability. Requirements should reflect the scale of potential harm, avoiding unnecessary burdens on low risk applications while demanding stronger protections for more powerful systems.

Trump’s approach may encourage cooperation, but cooperation alone cannot establish public trust. That requires evidence that safeguards work and consequences when they fail. As AI becomes more influential, the durability of voluntary promises will depend on whether they deliver protection people can actually see.


I am pretty sure Trump is being contrarian to whatever seems like the "other side want"

Also its now SI and not AI is it not
 
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Yann LeCun also criticized Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei over his warnings about catastrophic AI risks, calling him “deluded.” The remark underscores a disagreement about how seriously society should treat predictions of disaster from increasingly powerful artificial intelligence.

Amodei has argued that advanced AI could create serious dangers, including biological misuse and systems behaving beyond human control. His position emphasizes preparing safeguards before capabilities outpace the institutions responsible for managing them. He also acknowledges potential benefits, framing responsible development as a way to capture those gains while reducing the possibility of severe harm.

LeCun’s criticism reflects skepticism toward catastrophic forecasts. However, dismissing a warning does not establish that the underlying risk is negligible, just as issuing a warning does not prove that catastrophe is likely. The central questions concern evidence, probability and whether proposed protections would meaningfully reduce danger.

The exchange therefore raises a policy challenge: how to act under uncertainty without allowing either alarm or confidence to substitute for analysis. Governments, researchers and companies need clear assessments of what systems can actually do, where safeguards fail and which interventions work. Personal attacks may attract attention, but they offer little help in deciding how powerful AI should be developed and governed.
 
As Jensen Huang says and without a hint of irony.

No company will sell product that will knowingly do harm!
You might think that's funny, but US corporate leaders are clearly more afraid of plaintiffs attorneys and predatory state attorneys general than they are creating dangerous AI software.

Can anyone here point to even one AI "escape" from a testing sandbox where the sandbox wasn't leaky? (Meaning the AI software somehow gets access to the public internet.)

Weird how all of the escapes seem to originate with some AI software company running a benchmark intended to exploit intrusions on other sites, to test their models or agents. And most of the explanations for how the AI software intruded boil down to "Oops!"

Also weird how some AI software experts make claims about how AI software will exterminate humans, but can't explain why an AI would try to exterminate us. My favorite though is Bill Gates and his claim that AI software will kill a billion people. Not two billion or half a billion, but a nice round billion. How convenient for a press message. There is a valid point that AI in its current form (LLM-based) might be able to speed development of bio weapons, but that's AI as a tool for evil humans, not as an AI-sourced threat, and there's nothing practical that can be done by the US to prevent the development of these tools on a global basis. So I agree with Trump (for once). Unless we have the best AI capabilities in the world we won't be able to more quickly find a vaccine for the bio weapon.
 
The current administration is pro business. Drill baby drill etc.... AI will fall under that umbrella.

Respectfully, the current administration is also anti-business: Trade war policies, Tariffs, (Implied) Nationalization, Visa limits (reducing availability of skilled labor), etc..
 
1791132442695.png


Oct 3 (Reuters) - A former OpenAI safety employee who recently resigned criticized the company's approach to AI safety, arguing that a fast-paced culture focused on rapid development increases the risk of failures.

Writing in "I ‌Quit OpenAI Because Its Culture Is Broken," published by the Atlantic on Saturday, David Robinson said AI companies, including OpenAI, were not being "nearly careful enough" and should place greater emphasis on safety expertise and research before developing more capable systems.

  • "The time for trial and error ⁠is over," Robinson wrote, arguing that advanced AI systems require safeguards more akin to those used in industries such as nuclear power and aviation.

  • Robinson said OpenAI relies heavily on what it calls "iterative deployment," releasing systems and strengthening safeguards when problems emerge.
  • The comments add to a debate within the AI industry over whether companies are moving too quickly to develop increasingly powerful systems. OpenAI and rival Anthropic have faced scrutiny after incidents in which safety controls ‌failed, ⁠or experimental systems behaved unexpectedly.

  • Robinson, who said he spent 3-1/2 years at OpenAI, helped draft the company's preparedness framework and oversaw safety reports for 12 frontier-model launches, wrote: "As the company sprints from one launch to the next, it is failing ⁠to achieve the level of care that I believe is needed."

  • "We're making sure our models don't become more capable than we can safely manage and secure, and ⁠we pause training or hold back models when we need to slow down," an OpenAI spokesperson said in a statement.

  • Robinson also warned that ⁠AI capabilities were advancing faster than researchers' understanding of alignment, a field focused on ensuring AI systems act in accordance with human goals and values.

 
Respectfully, the current administration is also anti-business: Trade war policies, Tariffs, (Implied) Nationalization, Visa limits (reducing availability of skilled labor), etc..
I completely agree. I agree with his objective of re-industrializing the US, but to go about it by trade wars with our allies and confrontational tariffs that hurt US companies and consumers more than his targets? Doesn't look pro-business to me. Taking USG ownership positions in public companies? That even strikes my highly [politically] progressive friends as ill-advised. A $100K+ fee on H-1B applications? Dumb squared, for the good of the country.

I think it is difficult to make the argument that the Trump administration is in general pro-business.
 
I completely agree. I agree with his objective of re-industrializing the US, but to go about it by trade wars with our allies and confrontational tariffs that hurt US companies and consumers more than his targets? Doesn't look pro-business to me. Taking USG ownership positions in public companies? That even strikes my highly [politically] progressive friends as ill-advised. A $100K+ fee on H-1B applications? Dumb squared, for the good of the country.

I think it is difficult to make the argument that the Trump administration is in general pro-business.
indeed there are both pro- and anti- business moves. Not all changes mean the same to business obviously. Wondering how you guys think the key factors are. To me, attracting industrialization and business on-shore again with Corp tax and incentives are key ones.
 
To me, attracting industrialization and business on-shore again with Corp tax and incentives are key ones.
I agree. And add on accelerated permitting, and passing laws to eliminate NIMBY-driven endless lawsuits intended just to foil industrial development.
 
indeed there are both pro- and anti- business moves. Not all changes mean the same to business obviously. Wondering how you guys think the key factors are. To me, attracting industrialization and business on-shore again with Corp tax and incentives are key ones.
The main issue I see is that the same incentives to onshore are also shrinking the TAM for each of these businesses at the same time. Short term pain (higher local costs) and long term pain (reduced future available market size).

We definitely need to keep our workforce doing value added jobs and skilled, but it can be done via other means.

Inflationary policy is a +/- to business of course.
 
indeed there are both pro- and anti- business moves. Not all changes mean the same to business obviously. Wondering how you guys think the key factors are. To me, attracting industrialization and business on-shore again with Corp tax and incentives are key ones.
Business is not single entity, there are things beneficial for some companies that will destroy others, we know that in EU where corporations lobby for harsher regulations to damage startups which don't have resources to comply with them (specially hiring new people). Factory owners that had to close probably seen policies of past 50 years as greatly anti-business even trough Wall street benefited greatly.

I think now it is similar, just balancing one policy with another.
AI sumary:
Trump’s policies (via the One Big Beautiful Bill Act / OBBBA, signed July 4, 2025) restored and made permanent full expensing for capital expenditures (CAPEX) and domestic R&D, reversing the phase-outs and amortization rules from the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA).


CAPEX / Capital Expenditures (Bonus Depreciation & Related)​


  • Permanent 100% bonus depreciation (Section 168(k)): Businesses can immediately deduct the full cost of qualifying property (equipment, machinery, computer software, etc., with recovery periods of 20 years or less) placed in service after January 19, 2025. This ends the TCJA phase-down (which had dropped to 40% in 2025 and was heading to zero).
  • Expanded Section 179 expensing: Limit raised to $2.5 million (phase-out starts at $4 million), covering more tangible property and some structures.
  • Temporary 100% expensing for certain manufacturing structures (new Section 168(n)): Applies to nonresidential property used in manufacturing, production, or refining of qualified products. Construction must begin after January 19, 2025, and before January 1, 2029; property must be placed in service by January 1, 2031.

These changes improve cash flow and lower the effective cost of investing in equipment, factories, and related assets. Companies have already cited higher free cash flow and accelerated investment plans as a result.


R&D / Research & Experimental Expenditures​


  • Permanent full expensing of domestic R&D (new Section 174A): For tax years beginning after December 31, 2024, companies can immediately deduct domestic research and experimental costs (including software development) in the year incurred. This reverses the TCJA rule that required 5-year amortization starting in 2022.
  • Foreign R&D remains subject to 15-year amortization under Section 174.
  • Transition/relief rules: Taxpayers can accelerate remaining unamortized domestic R&D costs from 2022–2024 (deduct in 2025 or over two years). Eligible small businesses (generally under ~$31 million in average annual gross receipts) can elect retroactive treatment back to 2022 and amend prior returns.
  • The traditional R&D tax credit (Section 41) continues to exist alongside the expensing rules. Related adjustments (e.g., Section 280C) largely returned to pre-TCJA treatment: taxpayers generally reduce the R&D deduction by the credit amount or elect a reduced credit.

Broader Context​


These were campaign priorities Trump highlighted in 2024 (restoring full expensing for machinery/equipment and R&D, plus other pro-investment measures). The OBBBA made the key CAPEX and domestic R&D expensing provisions permanent rather than temporary. Supporters (including the White House and companies like Johnson & Johnson, United Rentals, and others) report improved cash flow, greater investment certainty, and accelerated U.S. manufacturing/R&D plans.


Note: These are primarily expensing (immediate deductions) rather than new standalone tax credits, though they interact with the existing R&D credit and create strong incentives for CAPEX and domestic innovation spending. Rules can involve elections, basis adjustments, and interactions with other provisions (e.g., corporate AMT, interest limitations). Taxpayers should consult advisors for specific application, as IRS guidance continues to develop.
How much tax savings for a $10B CAPEX and $1B R&D spend?
Rough federal tax savings: about $2.31 billion (assuming a C-corporation taxed at the flat 21% federal rate, full qualification, and enough taxable income to use the deductions).


Simple Calculation​


Under the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA):


[TABLE width="100%"]
[TR]
[th]Spend[/th][th]Treatment[/th][th]Deduction[/th][th]Federal Tax Rate[/th][th]Estimated Savings[/th]
[/TR]
[TR]
[td]$10 billion CAPEX[/td][td]100% bonus depreciation (permanent for qualifying property placed in service after Jan. 19, 2025)[/td][td]$10B[/td][td]21%[/td][td]$2.10 billion[/td]
[/TR]
[TR]
[td]$1 billion domestic R&D[/td][td]Immediate expensing under new §174A[/td][td]$1B[/td][td]21%[/td][td]$0.21 billion[/td]
[/TR]
[TR]
[td]Total[/td][td][/td]
[td]$11B[/td][td][/td]
[td]≈ $2.31 billion[/td]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]



This is primarily a timing benefit — you get the full deduction in the year of the spend instead of spreading it out, which improves cash flow and present value. The lifetime total deductions remain the same.


Important Caveats and Adjustments​


  • Assumes full qualification — CAPEX must be eligible property (generally equipment/machinery with ≤20-year recovery period, software, etc.). Manufacturing structures may qualify under the temporary 100% expensing rule if construction timing is met. R&D must be domestic.
  • Corporate Alternative Minimum Tax (CAMT) — Large companies (average annual book income > $1 billion) face a 15% minimum tax on adjusted financial statement income. Large immediate deductions can create book-tax differences that trigger or increase CAMT, partially offsetting the regular-tax savings.
  • R&D tax credit (§41) — You can still claim the credit on qualified research expenses, but under restored rules you generally must either reduce the R&D deduction by the credit amount or elect a reduced credit (≈21% reduction). Net credit benefit is typically in the 6–10% effective range after adjustments, depending on the credit method used.
  • State taxes — Many states follow federal treatment, but some decouple from bonus depreciation or R&D expensing. Combined federal + state rates often run 25–28% depending on location.
  • NOLs and limitations — If deductions exceed taxable income, you generate a net operating loss (limited to 80% of future taxable income). Interest expense limitations (§163(j)) and other rules can also interact.
  • Other factors — Pass-through entities are taxed at individual rates (up to 37%) plus the permanent 20% QBI deduction in many cases. Foreign R&D remains subject to 15-year amortization.

Bottom line: For a profitable C-corp with sufficient taxable income and no major CAMT hit, expect roughly $2.1B from the CAPEX + $210M from the R&D in federal cash tax savings in the year of the spend. Actual results require modeling with your specific facts, state exposure, credit elections, and CAMT position. Consult a tax advisor for precise calculations.
Btw. would it be possible to add new tag for AI summaries to mark them more clearly?
 
Business is not single entity, there are things beneficial for some companies that will destroy others, we know that in EU where corporations lobby for harsher regulations to damage startups which don't have resources to comply with them (specially hiring new people). Factory owners that had to close probably seen policies of past 50 years as greatly anti-business even trough Wall street benefited greatly.

I think now it is similar, just balancing one policy with another.
AI sumary:

How much tax savings for a $10B CAPEX and $1B R&D spend?

Btw. would it be possible to add new tag for AI summaries to mark them more clearly?
yes, we should keep government out of the way as much as possible in an ideal world. reality is we are approach a bi-superpower reality that are deemed to collide. and guardrails around that will not likely come from companies with short quarter to quarter goals to meet
 
You might think that's funny, but US corporate leaders are clearly more afraid of plaintiffs attorneys and predatory state attorneys general than they are creating dangerous AI software.

Can anyone here point to even one AI "escape" from a testing sandbox where the sandbox wasn't leaky? (Meaning the AI software somehow gets access to the public internet.)

Weird how all of the escapes seem to originate with some AI software company running a benchmark intended to exploit intrusions on other sites, to test their models or agents. And most of the explanations for how the AI software intruded boil down to "Oops!"

Also weird how some AI software experts make claims about how AI software will exterminate humans, but can't explain why an AI would try to exterminate us. My favorite though is Bill Gates and his claim that AI software will kill a billion people. Not two billion or half a billion, but a nice round billion. How convenient for a press message. There is a valid point that AI in its current form (LLM-based) might be able to speed development of bio weapons, but that's AI as a tool for evil humans, not as an AI-sourced threat, and there's nothing practical that can be done by the US to prevent the development of these tools on a global basis. So I agree with Trump (for once). Unless we have the best AI capabilities in the world we won't be able to more quickly find a vaccine for the bio weapon.

The "AI escapes" are stuff to pump how dangerous it is and to pump valuations.

"Look how Dangerous we are"

Better pay up so we prevent this stuff from taking over everything.

Its a joke how each company rolled out their own breach.

Folk lapping it up.

Companies have been releasing dangerous stuff in all areas forever , they really do not care until they get caught so to speak and a few folk pay the price.

My pont was Jensen Huang was talking utter nonsense , not whether AI is "dangerous"
 
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